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What’s more, House Republicans logged hundreds of hours of sworn testimony over “scandals” like President Clinton’s use of the White House Christmas card list. Indeed, if Republicans win the House this fall, I wouldn’t be surprised to see a replay of Republican behavior during the Clinton administration. Republicans issued 1,052 subpoenas between 1997 and 2002, the vast majority of which were related to investigations of the Clinton administration and the Democratic National Committee. With the Republican Party further to the right than it has ever been, it’s only reasonable to assume that the GOP will turn the 112th Congress into a breeding ground for manufactured scandals.

What’s more, House Republicans logged hundreds of hours of sworn testimony over “scandals” like President Clinton’s use of the White House Christmas card list. Indeed, if Republicans win the House this fall, I wouldn’t be surprised to see a replay of Republican behavior during the Clinton administration. Republicans issued 1,052 subpoenas between 1997 and 2002, the vast majority of which were related to investigations of the Clinton administration and the Democratic National Committee. With the Republican Party further to the right than it has ever been, it’s only reasonable to assume that the GOP will turn the 112th Congress into a breeding ground for manufactured scandals.

I am confident, however, that she can’t win the nomination without them. But, really, it’s an illusion. It’s very easy for any conservative to be a Palin supporter today; it’s a lot different to be a Palin supporter against what Rush says, against what Beck says, against what the NRA and the Club For Growth say, against what organized activists say, if it should come to that. It seems as if they’re safely within her corner. These attachments feel strong, but they’re really not, except for a very, very small group. That’s not to say that she can’t be nominated, because I have no idea whether she can win the support of party leaders. Just think of all those Democrats who were die-hard Hillary Clinton lovers throughout the 1990s and, well, up to winter 2007-2008 who wound up just bitterly against her if they happened to pick Obama (and have now returned to her camp post-election). So the real question, and one for which Weigel should have some expertise, is: What do those folks want from their candidates? Are they willing to support a candidate who doesn’t know the issues? Do they think they can trust her if she gets elected? Those are the real hurdles she has to get over. I really don’t see any evidence that she’s any more immune to that effect than anybody else. Yes, I know, she’s very popular with a core group of Republican primary voters right now.

When others acidly refer to the obvious fact that he’s from Massachusetts, that is surely meant to flag a “flaming liberal” who always yearned to validate same-sex marital rights. Tauro, from controversies over his reasoning to criticisms of him personally. When commentators mention that he is a “79-year-old Nixon appointee,” that is no doubt meant to signify the supposed conservatism of a judge who is, indeed, a lifelong Republican. Nothing in the reaction to his landmark ruling against the Defense of Marriage Act is likely to have surprised Judge Joseph L.

The ousted Inglis is not alone in worrying about the takeover of his party by angry, irrational and potentially dangerous extremists. Today Washington Post columnist Michael Gerson voiced the same concern. A Republican victory in November is only likely to worsen these alarming tendencies:. The former Bush speechwriter is disturbed not only by Angle’s rhetorical violence and Paul’s libertarian excesses but by the Arizona GOP’s pandering to anti-immigrant prejudice.

The response of many responsible Republicans to these ideological trends is to stay quiet, make no sudden moves and hope they go away. But these are not merely excesses; they are arguments. Significant portions of the Republican coalition believe that it is a desirable strategy to talk of armed revolution, embrace libertarian purity and alienate Hispanic voters. And this could create durable, destructive perceptions of the Republican Party that would take decades to change. A party that is intimidated and silent in the face of its extremes is eventually defined by them. With a major Republican victory in November, those who hold these views may well be elevated in profile and influence.

But these are not merely excesses; they are arguments. Significant portions of the Republican coalition believe that it is a desirable strategy to talk of armed revolution, embrace libertarian purity and alienate Hispanic voters. And this could create durable, destructive perceptions of the Republican Party that would take decades to change. With a major Republican victory in November, those who hold these views may well be elevated in profile and influence. The response of many responsible Republicans to these ideological trends is to stay quiet, make no sudden moves and hope they go away. A party that is intimidated and silent in the face of its extremes is eventually defined by them.

httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lXgeFLWNoXM&feature=youtube_gdata

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